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Weekly Worker 368 Thursday January 25 2001
Rail nationalisation campaign
Take control
Continuing controversy over the railways and their general state of ill
repair presents a perfect opportunity for the Socialist Alliance to put
forward a programme for public transport.
The disaster at Hatfield has plunged the railways into total disarray
- not only Railtrack, but the train operating companies (TOCs) as well.
The passenger services are getting worse and worse, as anybody who regularly
uses the railways will testify.
The TOCs running passenger services are now altering their timetables
to suit the chaotic situation. They are extending running times, and when
the train arrives at its destination, out comes the announcement that
passengers have just had a wonderful journey and arrived early.
You may well have sat in the aisle or remained standing throughout the
journey, but that is obviously considered of secondary importance. “Customers”
should be grateful just for having completed their journey. We have recently
been informed that Railtrack will pay compensation in the region of £500
million to the TOCs, and a considerably smaller amount to passengers.
This, we are told, will plunge Railtrack into serious debt, estimated
to be somewhere in the region of £3 to 5 billion over the next two to
three years.
The three main rail unions are beginning to work together, which is a
positive development. RMT, Aslef and the TSSA have started planning forthcoming
campaigns against the privatisation of the London Underground system.
This presents an ideal opportunity for the Socialist Alliance to extend
the SA project beyond the confines of the electoral field. Not only should
we see the different left groups organising their supporters together
under the alliance banner in each of the unions, but also forming a single
SA group across all three.
Such an approach should not of course be restricted to the rail industry.
It should pave the way for similar projects across the different unions
and, more to the point, different industries. The recent election of the
left candidate, Mark Serwotka, to the post of general secretary of the
Public and Commercial Services Union illustrates that an SA fraction in
every union, bringing together all socialists, could begin to have a serious
impact, especially if such fractions seek to win those around it from
a narrow, single-union viewpoint towards developing a broader political
vision. However, with the rail unions more likely than most to be in the
forefront of action in the near future - and with considerable public
support - the SA executive committee has agreed to make a start here in
the first instance. A meeting of all SA railworkers and activists will
be announced soon.
One of the key aims of the Mick Rix-Bob Crow wing of the trade union
bureaucracy is to bring the railways back under ‘public ownership’ through
pressurising the Labour government.
The Socialist Alliance should counterpose to this a policy of nationalisation
under the control of workers and passengers. Indeed there is no reason
why workers should not take militant action to impose measures of their
own control right now.
It would be wrong for the alliance to propagate illusions in a ‘golden
age’ of British Rail. Instead it must fight for what is necessary, and
that means fighting for a socialist future. We should not only be fighting
to win activists on the railways to unite across sectional divisions,
but to the SA project itself, which is providing the only viable socialist
opposition to the Labour government.
We should ensure that the January 27 day of action is a great success.
We should call on all railworkers to join the planned strike action by
tubeworkers. There should be an industry-wide stoppage. Passenger groups
should be encouraged to take an active role in support of the railworkers
and thereafter the running of the railways by workers and passengers.
There should be no question of placing any faith in the Labour government.
It is correct to demand that Blair takes action to ensure rail safety
and a decent rail service through renationalisation. But the conscious
self-activity of the working class is the key, married with taking our
offensive onto the political stage by voting for and backing the Socialist
Alliance in the forthcoming general election.
This Saturday is an opportunity not just for the Socialist Alliance to
be seen out and about with our petitions, but also to put the case and
agitate for a solution to the rail crisis in the interests of the working
class. We should make use of the widely expressed sentiment for renationalisation,
not by tailing the RMT-Aslef bureaucracy, but by championing the idea
that the working class itself must take control of the railways.
Derek Goodliffe
RMT grades executive and Eastern Region Socialist Alliance (personal capacity)
Ours or theirs?
This Saturday sees Socialist Al liance-initiated demonstrations in favour
of renationalisation of the rail industry, and against privatisation of
the London tube.
Rail privatisation has been widely perceived as a disaster in two respects:
firstly in terms of safety - underlined by the horrendous crashes at Southall,
Ladbroke Grove and most recently Hatfield; and secondly in terms of reliability
- the chances of arriving on time, especially since Hatfield, have been
considerably reduced. Not surprisingly then, demands for nationalisation
have gained a resonance among wide sections of the British population.
Even such reactionary luminaries as Lynda Lee Potter, editor of the Daily
Mail, has been calling for the railways to be renationalised, worrying
about the effects of the current chaos on the profitability of British
industry.
Shamelessly, and in a manner that would insult the intelligence of the
average grasshopper, William Hague’s Tory Party, as part of its preparation
for the general election, has been pasting up posters which scream, “You’ve
paid the tax - so where are the trains?” - feebly attempting to pin responsibility
on the Blair government for a privatisation that was the brainchild of
the Tories themselves.
Of course, the Conservatives are not themselves calling for nationalisation.
But the fact that elements of the formerly ultra-on-message Tory media
are prepared to advocate the idea testifies to the mood which has convinced
significant sections of the ruling class that privatisation has become
a liability from their own standpoint.
The Blair government, in the meantime, is standing firm against renationalisation,
moaning about the cost of compensating the shareholders of Railtrack and
the train operating companies - with a figure of £5 billion being bandied
around.
All this means that the genuine left needs to be particularly careful
to ensure that the independent interests of the working class are championed
on this issue, and that we do not get sidetracked into supporting a renationalisation
campaign that merely benefits the ruling class.
There is the obvious question of the old, discredited nationalisations
of the past - part of a Keynesian economic model of piecemeal reform of
capitalism that was the trademark of ‘old Labour’. Such schemes were always
limited in terms of economic resources to what the ruling class considered
suited national interests - ie, capital - and were completely controlled
by state-appointed bureaucrats.
Two other interlinked questions - that of compensation, and that of workers’
control - are at the heart of the independent interests of the working
class in this matter.
The Blair government’s plaintive pleas that nationalisation would cost
the government a packet is simply a reflection of its 100% pro-capitalist
nature.
The government’s bourgeois opponents on this question also operate within
the same framework - the only difference between them is an accounting
forecast - they calculate that the chaos of privatisation will in the
end cost the bosses more than the cost of the government buying up the
rail industry.
As revolutionaries, we have a rather different position - we say that
the cost of bringing the railways back into state ownership should be
paid by the capitalists, not by the working class. Compensation to investors
in the privatised rail industry should be given out only on the basis
of proven hardship.
We cannot simply say that there should be no compensation. After all
the Thatcher privatisations involved conning a considerable number of
ordinary workers into investing as small shareholders in these industries.
In addition a number of occupational pension funds that provide benefits
for large sections of workers, past and present, are heavily entangled
financially with many privatised industries, including no doubt rail.
But there should be no compensation to the fat cat bosses who have ripped
off workers, small investors and commuters alike - rather we are in favour
of the necessary renationalisation of rail involving a frontal attack
on their property rights.
The question of compensation goes hand in hand with the question of workers’
control. Workers’ control is defined as the working class, both through
its trade union organisations within the industry, and in the broader
sense in that the working class also are the main users of the passenger
railway system, exercising direct control over the railways. This means
the right of unions and commuters’ organisations to veto any management
decision that goes against the interests of workers: eg, to stop such
practices as the running of trains without adequate safety provisions,
the tailoring of safety provision to the requirements of shareholders’
dividends (which is what has so far prevented the state-of-the-art Automatic
Train Protection fail-safe system being used in Britain), rip-off fare
rises aimed at boosting share dividends, or other such abuses.
In fact, there is no need to simply wait for the bourgeoisie to renation-alise
the rail industry in order to impose a worker-commuter veto: a start can
be made now, by the rail unions committing themselves to industrial action
(which would be widely popular with commuters) to force the rail bosses
to comply with these kinds of demands. Ultimately, for members of the
working class, who both run the trains and use them, the question of public
ownership of the railways, and of the transport infrastructure as a whole,
is a question of real democracy, which can only be achieved to the full
under working class political rule.
For democracy is not simply the power to elect one or another pro-capitalist
politician to preside over the narrow sphere of ‘politics’ that is the
purview of modern parliamentary institutions, while the real control of
society is exercised by capital and its never satiated drive for self-expansion
- individual owners, managers, banks, etc are merely its personification
or well rewarded servants.
Democracy can only be truly realised when the mass of ordinary working
people collectively and democratically control and plan their own social
and economic destiny, and that can only mean democratic control of the
economy, of the means of production, and the infrastructure, transport,
health, and the rest.
The programme of workers’ and commuters’ control is the socialist alternative
to the equally anti-working class programmes of old Labour (pro-capitalist
nationalisation schemes to bail out the bosses at the expense of the working
class), and Thatcherite privatisation, resulting in ownership by spivs
and crooked fat cats.
Ian Donovan
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