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Weekly Worker 531 Thursday June 3 2004
red platform of the
cpgb
An infantile disorder?
This being the last Weekly Worker before the election, the leadership
of the CPGB has decided that the paper should be given over to supporting
the resolution passed at the March 21 aggregate, to win the biggest
possible vote for Respect. It would be nonsensical for the Red Platform
to argue this case, given its well publicised position opposing it
- which presents us with something of a problem.
However, the leadership has also argued that the very existence of
the Red Platform reflects a weakness in the level of political education
within the party, and particularly recommended study of Lenin's Leftwing
communism: an infantile disorder. To that end, this week's 'Seeing
red' is entirely given over to reprinting extracts from this important
work. The words are Lenin's; the emphasis, where indicated, is ours.
On the nature of tactical support
At present, British communists very often find it hard even to approach
the masses, and even to get a hearing from them. If I come out as
a communist and call upon them to vote for Henderson and against Lloyd
George, they will certainly give me a hearing. |

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And I shall be able to explain
in a popular manner, not only why the soviets are better than a parliament
and why the dictatorship of the proletariat is better than the dictatorship
of Churchill (disguised with the signboard of bourgeois 'democracy'),
but also that, with my vote, I want to support Henderson in the same
way as the rope supports a hanged man [our emphasis] - that the impending
establishment of a government of the Hendersons will prove that I
am right, will bring the masses over to my side, and will hasten the
political death of the Hendersons and the Snowdens, just as was the
case with their kindred spirits in Russia and Germany (Leftwing communism:
an infantile disorder chapter 9: '"Leftwing" communism in
Great Britain').
On the purpose of electoral work for communists
In western Europe and in America, the communists must learn to create
a new, uncustomary, non-opportunist, and non-careerist parliamentarianism;
the communist parties must issue their slogans; true proletarians,
with the help of the unorganised and downtrodden poor, should distribute
leaflets, canvass workers' houses and cottages of the rural proletarians
and peasants in the remote villages (fortunately there are many times
fewer remote villages in Europe than in Russia, and in Britain the
number is very small); they should go into the public houses, penetrate
into unions, societies and chance gatherings of the common people,
and speak to the people, not in learned (or very parliamentary) language
- they should not at all strive to 'get seats' in parliament, but
should everywhere try to get people to think, and draw the masses
into the struggle [our emphasis], to take the bourgeoisie at its word
and utilise the machinery it has set up, the elections it has appointed
and the appeals it has made to the people; they should try to explain
to the people what Bolshevism is, in a way that was never possible
(under bourgeois rule) outside of election times (exclusive, of course,
of times of big strikes, when in Russia a similar apparatus for widespread
popular agitation worked even more intensively).
It is very difficult to do this in western Europe and extremely difficult
in America, but it can and must be done, for the objectives of communism
cannot be achieved without effort. We must work to accomplish practical
tasks, ever more varied and ever more closely connected with all branches
of social life, winning branch after branch, and sphere after sphere
from the bourgeoisie (ibid chapter 10: 'Some conclusions').
On maintaining full-blooded criticism even during
electoral support
I will put it more concretely.
In my opinion, the British communists should unite their four parties
and groups (all very weak, and some of them very, very weak) into
a single Communist Party on the basis of the principles of the Third
International and of obligatory participation in parliament.
The Communist Party should propose the following 'compromise' election
agreement to the Hendersons and Snowdens: let us jointly fight against
the alliance between Lloyd George and the Conservatives; let us share
parliamentary seats in proportion to the number of workers' votes
polled for the Labour Party and for the Communist Party (not in elections,
but in a special ballot), and let us retain complete freedom of agitation,
propaganda and political activity. Of course, without this latter
condition, we cannot agree to a bloc, for that would be treachery
[our emphasis]; the British communists must demand and get complete
freedom to expose the Hendersons and the Snowdens in the same way
as (for 15 years: 1903-17) the Russian Bolsheviks demanded and got
it in respect of the Russian Hendersons and Snowdens: ie, the Mensheviks
(ibid chapter 9: '"Leftwing" communism in Great Britain'). |
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