Socialist Party stung by opposition
The Public and Commercial Services Union (PCSU) held its national
and group conferences in Brighton throughout the week commencing
June 7.
The largest group, or section, in the union is that organised in
the department for work and pensions (DWP), where just over 90,000
members of the 300,000-strong union are employed. The DWP group
conference took place on the Monday and Tuesday with 300 delegates
in attendance. It came immediately after the Left Unity victory
in the DWP group elections. Left Unity, whose biggest component
is made up of Socialist Party members and supporters, took 32 of
the 34 places. Of the 32, Socialist Caucus, which is supported by
much of the non-SP left, including myself, increased its representation
from three to five, while the Socialist Workers Party went from
one to two.
The SP-dominated group executive (GEC) must have expected a conference
which was fairly supportive of itself and the campaigns it has led.
The comrades were in for a surprise when it came to the major issue
of the pay campaign. A campaign that has seen nearly 100,000 people
not reporting to work.
The very first debate was around the strategy to win the ongoing
2003 pay dispute. Following on from two well-supported periods of
48-hour strikes (February and April) there is a clear need to have
a strategy that can win the dispute.
There were three emergency motions up for debate: The first, from
Socialist Caucus supporters (submitted by seven branches), called
for selective action in key areas alongside further national action;
the second, moved by SWP comrades, called for a three-day strike
and then two days of strike action every month (and nothing else);
and the third, from the GEC itself, called for more of the same
strategy that we have had over the last six months. Bev Laidlaw
on behalf of Sheffield branch moved the Socialist Caucus motion.
The ever rightward moving Martin John of Sheffield HQ moved the
SWP motion, and Janice Godrich (PCSU national president) spoke on
behalf of the group executive.
Whilst the debate was a relatively low-key affair, the actual vote
proved to be anything but. The executive and thus the Socialist
Party were visibly shocked by how close the ballot was. On a show
of hands the Socialist Caucus motion lost by 143 votes to 153. On
a card vote it was even closer: 41,694 to 42,039 (49.8% to 50.2%).
The GEC and SWP combined had only defeated the motion by 345 votes
out of a total card vote of 83,733. If just one branch had voted
the other way, then the motion would have been won against the executive.
This motion being lost, the vote was then taken on the SWP motion,
which mustered no more than a dozen votes (ie, several branches).
The GEC motion was then passed overwhelmingly, as there was no other
strategy still left on the table.
The problem for the GEC/Socialist Party is that it now knows that
half the conference preferred a different strategy to what is being
adopted. And if the SWP had not been so sectarian and insisted on
voting against Socialist Caucus, then on a card vote a better strategy
would have been adopted. The SWP seemingly failed to pick up that
the debate was between the Caucus and GEC motions - it believed
that our motion would be smashed and delegates would rally around
theirs. The voting shows just how out of touch the SWP are in this
pay dispute.
The pressure on the GEC/Socialist Party is now immense. The strategy
is solely their own (though one that all delegates will continue
to do their best to support, as it is policy), and it is one that
they must win.
There was also a close vote on a motion of censure regarding the
decision of the GEC to call off action in January for further talks.
The motion was moved by Sue Catton on behalf of East London branch.
I spoke in favour of the motion, criticising the GEC for deserting
the other groups in the union (eg, the home office and department
for constitutional affairs), who were standing together on pay,
and leaving them to take the first round of action on their own.
In a much more lively debate the motion was defeated on a show of
hands by about 165 to 135. This was also a shock to the executive,
as no one really expected the motion to get anywhere near 45% of
the vote.
Both the vote on the pay strategy and the censure motion demonstrate
the support that Socialist Caucus now has in the group. Much of
the conference supported the lead being given by a left grouping
that only had two dozen delegates, but was able to get the support
of an additional 100 on the hottest issues.
The rest of the conference was relatively uncontentious with only
one other motion requiring tellers. A proposal moved by the executive
and supported by the black members group expressed concern at the
lack of ethnicity data held by the department and called on the
incoming executive to negotiate with management for all staff who
have not responded to the request for information to be classified
as 'white European'.
Needless to say, many delegates regarded this as a problem: such
a classification is regarded as an insult by many black members
and would negate their choice not to be classified. It would only
serve to distort the figures in favour of the department - black
members are predominately in the lower grades, get lower box markings
and take longer to get promoted, so by classifying many of them
as 'white European' the figures would not in fact demonstrate the
discrimination that exists but would 'show' that many 'white Europeans'
suffer the same treatment! The distortion of figures would also
hinder the campaign in London to stop relocation of work to elsewhere
in the country - as part of the campaign demonstrates that relocation
from London has a much larger impact upon ethnic minority workers
and communities. The motion was fortunately defeated by 104 votes
to 148.
There was also a debate around future pay claims. Socialist Caucus
member Claudia Campbell moved a motion on behalf of the North East
London branch that called for future pay claims to have the European
decency threshold of £16,780 as the minimum wage in the department
and that the executive should recommend rejection of any pay offer
that does not meet this demand. The motion was unfortunately heavily
defeated after the intervention of both the Socialist Party (Rob
Williams) and the SWP (Martin John), who both argued against the
motion, as they felt it was not an achievable demand.
How this fits in with their claims to belong to 'revolutionary'
organisations and to fight against low pay simply beggars belief.
But then this is the same Martin John who spoke the previous year
against flat rate increases in favour of a percentage increase,
"because the union also has to look after the management grades"!
For Martin John it is no doubt more important to get elected than
fight for the policies he claims to stand for. Needless to say,
not all the SWP comrades at the conference were prepared to support
Martin John on these issues, but they seem unable to replace him
as their leading representative and therefore the whole SWP gets
tarnished with the bureaucratic nonsense that he espouses
Lee Rock
PCSU regional organiser, DWP London
(personal capacity)
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