Following the line
Since, as a school student, I have only recently ventured into the
world of far-left politics, this year was the first time that I had
attended the Socialist Workers Partys annual Marxism event.
What I found did not really correspond to its socialist festival
billing, as most of the meetings and debates were entirely
one-sided, with little time allowed for interventions from the floor.
The event seemed to be rather more of an effort to make sure that
SWP members were fully aware of what the leadership wanted them to
think. It was also a recruitment drive, with a very strong focus on
getting new members and winning subscriptions to their publications.
While Chris Bambery, John Molyneux and other SWP leaders were always
allowed to speak from the floor, among the rest of us usually only
a handful got the nod from the chair, and even then they were given
only two to three minutes to explain their views. Unfortunately, determination
to finish dead on time meant that some of the most relevant arguments
were cut short. For example, in a debate on Womens liberation
today, a telling description of the problems faced by Irish
women was stopped so that Lindsey German could reply to the discussion
- a whole 45 minutes before the next session.
|

Enjoy this article?
How about showing
us your appreciation? Producing the Weekly Worker costs a
substantial amount of money. Our only source for that financial
backing comes from people like you: readers and supporters of our
newspaper. You may not agree with the CPGB on every dot and comma,
but we know that 1000s of comrades appreciate our open, critical
and democratic press.
Click
here to find out how you can donate to the Summer Offensive
2004, our annual fundraising drive.
|
|
However, worse was the constant harrying to sign up. Upon leaving
and entering each session, I would be asked any number of times
if I had considered joining the SWP or if I had heard
about their work. I found this last question a bit bizarre,
since it implied that I would attend their meetings without knowing
who they were. When I replied that I had no intention of joining,
due to my very critical attitude towards Respect, I was assured
that the SWP only comprised 40% of Respects membership.
As if the SWP are not in charge of running and paying for Respect,
let alone shaping its politics. But what I really resented was being
told that I was islamophobic whenever I mentioned the
importance of standing up for gay and womens rights, even
if it might put off some muslim voters.
This seemed to me to be the main feature of this years Marxism:
that no-one would dare say anything to criticise any muslim group.
In his Nationalism and national liberation talk, Pat
Stack said: You have to support the right of the Iraqi resistance,
whatever their ideas - a sentiment echoed during Lindsey Germans
appearance on Newsnight, when she asserted, in response to Peter
Tatchells claims that the Palestine Liberation Organisation
oppresses homosexuals, It is not helpful to protest against
non-whites who may be subject to racism. This refusal to criticise
means that the SWP risks associating with one oppressor over another
- it does not qualify its support for resistance groups in any way.
I also found Pat Stacks claim that Its the Arab
working class we have to work with
theres a difference
between the Israeli and Palestinian working classes decidedly
erroneous. Just because they live in the oppressor state does not
mean that we should not ally with Israeli workers whenever possible:
following comrade Stacks perverse logic, we could not organise
British or American workers either. One speaker from the floor in
the Nationalism and national liberation session specifically
rejected the idea that the key to Palestinian liberation lay with
the Israeli working class. Yet surely genuine freedom for Arab or
any other people can only be achieved through international class
unity.
Nevertheless, this was very much the line, and a similar point was
made in other debates touching upon Palestine, such as in the discussion,
A united front, where Amy Leather claimed that You
cant use terms such as No to terrorism when muslims
are under attack. As a newcomer to SWP meetings, I was surprised
by the concept that we should not condemn random acts of violence
against civilians, whatever the ethnicity of the person who initiated
it.
Therefore, I found that the best-argued and most interesting sessions
were those which had least connection to islam or the Middle East,
such as those on Does human nature lead to war and greed?
and The mass strike. The latter grabbed my attention
and it served a very important educational role for me. Since I
have read little of Rosa Luxemburgs work, I found that this
particular meeting gave a real insight into the politics of the
mass strike, and the consequent relationship between trade union-type
struggles and political vanguards. I was encouraged to undertake
further reading on the subject - surely the role of a summer school.
Equally, the talk on Voices from the unions, with Mark
Dolan and Unjum Mirza from the RMT, was a significant one, since
trade union support is very much key for Respect and much else besides.
One Unison members description of the political short-sightedness
of his union in relation to the Labour Party - desperate for
a link with New Labour, and to be kicked down - was a paradox
which I thought should have been explored more deeply.
It was apparent that, despite the relatively low attendance figures,
apparently down some 50% on last year, Marxism 2004 was an important
event, not least because it was an excellent opportunity for different
left groups from across Europe to get together. Groups such as the
Ligue Communiste Révolutionnaire, Rifondazione Comunista
and the Swiss Mouvement pour le Socialisme all had contingents and
freely distributed their papers and leaflets.
While this sort of cross-pollination was admirable in itself, it
was sadly limited by the refusal of all too many SWP members to
read anything other than Socialist Worker and other such International
Socialist Tendency publications. One might think that their members
had been instructed not to even touch other left papers, such was
the sadly all too common refusal by some to even look at the Weekly
Worker. This sort of sectarianism was particularly ironic, given
the continual attacks on other organisations as sectarians.
I also disliked the fact that the event had more the air of a Respect
rally than a school for revolutionary socialists. Many seem to have
an excessively optimistic view of the unity coalition - one rank-and-file
member commented that Respect is making humanity more dynamic,
while Amy Leathers We have to begin to break away from
reformism - thats what Respect is all about did little
to convince me that the SWP was connected to reality. I had hoped
that some SWP platform speakers would at least admit some of the
flaws in Respects current programme; instead their fanatical
praise made me intensely sceptical, demonstrating that their underlying
ideas were essentially unsound.
The closing rally was probably what left the greatest impression.
Rapturous, triumphant, naive and unthinking. Once the Leicester
South and Hodge Hill votes were mentioned, several minutes of wild
cheering and clapping from the 800-strong crowd ensued. Most presumably
believed Dave Hayess promise earlier in the week that good
results would transform existing class consciousness. That or heavens
gates were just about to open.
While the results were reasonably good, George Galloways claim
that there had been a transformation of the political landscape,
and John Reess assertion that Respect was now part of
a four-party system were examples of wild optimism - greeted
once again by standing ovations from the faithful disciples. I felt
rather left out by this - I could not bring myself to believe that
overnight Respect had not only overtaken UKIP, BNP and the Greens,
but should also now be seen as the main rival to the three establishment
parties.
Since I came to the Marxism event with little prejudice about what
I was going to hear, I think it is true to say that the SWP does
not give a particularly favourable impression of itself to potential
supporters and allies. The political approach was dogmatic, with
the membership apparently prepared to accept whatever was the latest
leadership turn.
David Broder
|