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Weekly Worker 567 Thursday March 10 2005
Rifondazione Comunista congress 2005
The opposition
Some of the positions described below are expressions of firmly organised
factions within Rifondazione. In particular the supporters of motion 2
operate as a party within a party, with their separate meetings,
publications etc - a practice bitterly denounced by Bertinotti at one
point.
In order to put forward a motion, 500 signatures from party members are
needed. There were a few smaller trends who could not get enough supporters
together. According to Socialist Worker, the SWPs small sister organisation,
Comunismo dal Basso, supported motion 4 of the Erre faction, but none
of their comrades seem to have been able to get elected as delegates (or
manage to put up a stall).
Motion 2 - 26%:
Ernesto faction around Claudio Grassi
It opposes Rifondaziones condemnation of some Iraqi groups
as terrorists and demands undifferentiated support for
the resistance. It also calls for uncritical support
for Cuba and has only the nicest of words for Brazils
president Lula (despite some criticisable choices in economic
policy). Most importantly, it offers no clear alternative
to Bertinottis turn to the Olive Tree, arguing instead for
conditional support to a Romano Prodi coalition. It is also the
only organised trend within the party that speaks out clearly against
Rifondaziones abject turn to pacifism.
This faction has most to lose from the changes to the partys
structures, as its comrades have been represented on most of the
leading bodies (at the 2001 congress, they supported Bertinottis
faction). No surprise, then, that they are also the most outspoken
when it comes to criticising the attempt to sideline the opposition.
Valentina Steri, PRC councillor in Rome, told the Weekly Worker:
"The debate before congress has been extremely undemocratic.
Before the unexplained influx of at least 12,000 new members (most
of whom we have never seen locally) both motions 1 and 2 had roughly
40-45% support. Bertinotti was not sure to win at all. Not once
has the proposal for the government turn been brought up on the
national committee, our most democratic body.
All of a sudden, things have changed dramatically. Now Bertinotti
has a winner takes all attitude. He wants the entire
opposition out of the main leadership bodies. We asked Bertinotti
to include some of our criticisms in his motion, so that we can
be united again - but he would not have any of it. There is a real
problem in the party now: a clear majority of the real activists
support either motion 2 or the other opposition positions - but
the leadership is going in a totally different direction. This will
do real damage to the party and its democracy.
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Motion 3 - 6.5%: Ferrando faction around the newspaper Proposta Comunista
(Communist Proposal)
With only around 900 members voting for the comrades motion, they
have clearly lost support: in 2001, 11% of the membership voted for their
document, which expressed the main opposition to Bertinottis turn
to the social movements. The faction encompasses a number of small groups
- which might explain a certain lack of clarity. They were strong opponents
of the partys support for Romano Prodis government from 1996-1998,
but have also been critical of the turn to the movements.
Much of their propaganda revolves around demands for general strike
and mass action. But, disarmed by economism, they can only
make formally correct yet stilted, abstract criticisms of Bertinottis
relationship with the centre-left, his ambiguous orientation to the social
movements and his centrism. Ironically, Bertinotti has a surer grasp of
the centrality of politics - even if his method is right opportunist.
Motion 4 - 6.5%:
Erre faction of the Fourth International
Previously called Bandiera Rossa, this faction contains Salvatore
Cannavò, deputy editor of Rifondaziones newspaper Liberazione.
Just like Luciano Muhlbauer, he has previously been a prominent
representative of Rifond-azione in the European Social Forum - but
has been somewhat sidelined since the partys turn to the Olive
Tree.

Salvatore Cannavò told the Weekly Worker:
It is not possible to build a viable
alternative to reformism by linking ourselves - in a supportive
role - to that reformism. The danger is that Rifondazione will become
a new social democratic organisation - a left version, but nevertheless
something that is not communist any more.
The reformists cannot absorb the social movements. But at
the same time, the movements need a political expression. If Rifondazione
moves to the right, this will politically disenfranchise the radical
section of society that is in revolt against capitalism. That is
the real question before this conference.
These comrades were keen supporters of Bertinotti at the 2001 congress,
where they did not put forward a separate factional paper (and were
rewarded with a position on the national secretariat). They are
pretty much stuck in this tactic: while they accuse the Bertinotti
faction of betraying the movements with the new turn,
they criticise most of the other opposition forces for never
having thrown themselves into the social forums and the movements.
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Motion 5 -1.6%: Grantites around the newspaper Falce Martello (Hammer
and Sickle)
This small organisation around Claudio Bellotti is connected to the Socialist
Appeal group of Ted Grant and Alan Woods in Britain.
Claudio Bellotti told the Weekly Worker:
This alliance represents a deadly danger for our party and more
generally for the workers movement. It is an alliance that will
be dominated and led by open representatives of the ruling class. Prodi
was the president of the European Commission until three years ago. His
policies are completely aligned with the demands and needs of big business
and capital. They will be forced to comply with the rules dictated by
American imperialism.
Bertinotti is trying to give a theoretical grounding to this turn
to the right. The main point of this is that the working class, its movements
and the communists should not aim at taking power. This is meant to be
no longer viable. Instead, he is proposing something that is a mixture
of the classical reformist approach - he has spoken approvingly at this
congress of Keynesian policies, for example - and elements of pre-Marxian
socialism. That is, changing society outside of politics via cooperatives,
etc. This is, of course, totally utopian - no real challenge to the system
at all."
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