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Weekly Worker 575 Thursday May 5 2005
Rising from the grave
Peter Manson takes a look at Arthur Scargill's Socialist Labour Party
and other small left organisations at election time
Once the general election came around, the Socialist Labour Party miraculously
rose from the grave, narrowly failing to meet president Arthur Scargills
target of contesting 50 seats.
In fact the SLP website is still claiming 50 candidates, even though Linda
Muir (Hull East) and Ryan ONeil (Bury North) did not actually make
it onto the ballot paper (for what reason I know not). Nevertheless, to
stand in 48 constituencies is indeed a minor miracle, given the almost
complete disappearance from the British political scene of Arthurs
party.
Until the last couple of weeks, the SLP website lay virtually abandoned,
and its ever more occasional newspaper Socialist News made up for the
absence of anything approaching a substantial or up-to-date article with
extra large type and huge pictures (often of Scargill himself). There
are no more than a dozen or so actually functioning branches and real
membership is down to something like 200 - mostly inactive - individuals
(at its height, in 1997, it was well over 2,000).
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Arthur Scargill: miracle
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The SLP did not contest last years European or Greater London Authority
elections and you might have been forgiven for believing that it would
not feature on May 5 2005 either. In the circumstances then, 48 candidates
represents a huge effort by a tiny number of people - persuading members
to stand as paper candidates, collecting nominations, organising the printing
of manifestos, etc.
True, in 2001 the SLP managed 114 candidates, but with even fewer members
now (its last remaining organised and semi-active internal grouping, the
ultra-Stalinites around Harpal Brar, were expelled/resigned just over
a year ago) it did not seem likely Scargill would be able to stand more
than a handful of token candidates this time.
Nowhere has the SLP been able to seriously campaign and many candidates
will not even have set foot in their constituency. For example, in order
to make a showing in Scotland, Scargill had to nominate Doris Kelly from
Bolton (Glasgow North East) and Ian Johnson from Yorkshire (Glasgow Central).
There just were not enough willing SLP members north of the border to
give him the five candidates he wanted for Scotlands proletarian
capital.
Apart from the logistical problems, what about the money? Where did that
come from? Not from individual dues or membership fundraising - that is
for certain. No doubt Scargill himself would have paid for some of the
deposits out of his own pocket and he may have got a few donations here
and there. As for the rest, your guess is as good as mine. Scargill is
still honorary president of the National Union of Mineworkers and runs
the miners international union organisation. The North West, Cheshire
and Cumbria Miners Association affiliates its 3,000 retired members to
the SLP - not that many of them know it (those that are still alive, that
is). And Scargill has developed contacts with those fine proletarian internationalist
governments of Libya and North Korea (and previously with socialist
Serbia too).
As usual, Scargill ignored any approaches from other left groups wanting
to avoid a clash. In fact he seems to have gone out of his way to stand
candidates against them. However, where there was no Labour or serious
left candidate calling for the immediate withdrawal of troops from Iraq,
the Weekly Worker recommended an SLP vote.
While Scargills politics are a mix of Stalinism, reformism, legalism
and nationalism, he does take a relatively principled stance on the key
issue of Iraq. Although he thinks, Arms expenditure should be cut
by two-thirds and condemns the invasion and occupation of Iraq as
unlawful, he states unequivocally: The Socialist Labour
Party would bring all the troops home from Iraq now (SLP election
manifesto).
Thus we advised our readers in 30 constituencies to give an (extremely)
critical vote to the SLP. Elsewhere, where Socialist Labour stood against
the small but real forces (as opposed to an organisation that starts and
ends with one fantasising individual) represented by the Scottish Socialist
Party, Socialist Party or working class Respect candidates, we voted for
the latter.
We took a similar attitude to another rump group, the Workers Revolutionary
Party, which stood 10 candidates. As with the SLP, it made a point of
opposing other left organisations, but in the six constituencies where
the WRP candidates were the only ones who could be regarded as anti-war
working class, even they could be given critical support.
Apart from its ultra-sectarianism, another similarity the WRP shares with
the SLP is its propensity to seek sponsorship amongst the most despicable
of forces. Amongst those to have helped keep its daily News Line afloat
in the past have been Gaddafis Libya and Saddams Iraq. Perhaps
it is still hoping for a Baathist comeback when it states: Only
the victory of the insurgency can end the occupation and restore Iraqs
national sovereignty and independence (News Line editorial, April
25).
Of course, our tactic of voting only for anti-war working class candidates
was not aimed at either the SLP or the WRP. We were attempting to draw
a class line around the key issue in British politics, the issue that
continued to dominate the general election campaign right until the last
day: Iraq. Our intervention sought to politically divide those few Labour
candidates who were prepared to take a principled stand in favour of an
immediate and unconditional withdrawal from the rest of the Blairites
and equivocators. It also sought to drive a wedge between the secular
socialists and the non-working class muslim activists
in Respect.
None of the candidates we supported critically stood on a rounded, principled,
working class platform. All of them were opportunists of one sort or another.
But it is essential for communists to intervene in a way that is most
likely to take forward the struggle for genuine Marxism at a time when
our forces are so meagre.
So, whatever other illusions the candidates we supported laboured under
(UN peacekeeping on the one hand, or islamists and Baathists on
the other); whatever absurd and pathetic postures they took up on a whole
range of positions; if they were politically working class and demanded
the immediate and unconditional removal of UK troops from Iraq, that was
enough to earn our critical support.
We did not therefore recommend a vote for the Socialist Party of Great
Britains sole candidate, Daniel Lambert, in Vauxhall. The SPGB,
along with its World Socialist Movement international, is
entirely propagandist, its sole demand being for an abstract socialism,
detached from the real struggles of the workers and oppressed. It cannot
even bring itself to support the end of the Iraq occupation:
Unlike the shameless and confused opportunism demonstrated by much
of the left wing, who actively pursued a nationalist stance in siding
with Iraqi rebel forces against the US, the World Socialist Movement maintains
its principled positions of advocating the end of capitalism and the establishment
of socialism as the solution to the present conflict, as to all similar
ones (www.worldsocialism.org/news/iraq7a.html).
Peter Manson
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