Weekly Worker 595 Thursday October 6 2005

Some reflections on the protestant question

by Liam O Ruairc

The majority of the protestant population in the North of Ireland consider themselves to be British and are deeply hostile to Irish reunification and any threat to their position. The political expression of this is unionism and loyalism.

1. Republican socialists are not sectarian and not nationalists. We do not have a problem with people believing in the protestant religion or considering themselves to be British. Our movement does not tell the protestants, ‘You are not British: you are in fact Irish.’ We believe that everyone in Ireland has the right to hold on to their own identity, culture and perceived nationality. For example, there are Chinese people in Ireland who consider themselves to be Chinese and are holding on to their language and culture; the same with Polish or Nigerian people, etc. So if the protestant people in the north consider themselves to be British and not Irish, our movement has no problem with it.

2. There are lots of things in the British culture and history that republican socialists can identify with - think, for example, of the democratic tradition of the Levellers, the Chartists, etc. However, one of the objections our movement has is that many protestants who consider themselves to be British only hold on to one aspect/expression of British identity: the monarchy, nostalgia for the empire, etc. Republican socialists would say that there are other ways of being British - why don’t they explore and appropriate for themselves all the progressive British heritage?

3. Republican socialists distinguish the protestant tradition from the unionist and loyalist traditions, which call for the British state to rule the six counties. Our problem is with them. The unionist majority in the north is not ethnic or religious, but political in nature. There is something circular in saying that partition is democratic because a majority in the north desires it when partition creates that majority in the first place!

4. The protestants do not constitute a nation apart (they never claimed it): they are either British or Irish, and in both cases unionism constitutes a political minority. While unionists are free to hold whatever opinion they want, they do not have a right to frustrate the wishes of the majority of the people in Britain (who favour withdrawal from Ireland) and in Ireland (who support independence).

5. There is no such thing as a unilateral right to union. Those who say that you cannot force one million unionists into a united Ireland are not disturbed at the idea of 40 million people in the British Isles being denied their wish to see Britain leave Ireland! Those who insist that there should be ‘unity by consent’ do not seem to have a problem with ‘partition by coercion’ …

6. Our problem with unionism and loyalism has thus nothing to do with nationality (we have no problem with people considering themselves British) or territory (we do not say one island means one state). Our issue with unionism and loyalism is that they are essentially anti-democratic in nature. What we are in conflict with is the unionist veto.

7. Commentators have recently talked about ‘protestant alienation’. From a republican point of view it is unfortunate how this crisis has encouraged so few protestants to question the relevance of unionism and loyalism and explore progressive elements of their own protestant and British heritage (think of the whole dissenter tradition, for instance), which provides alternative resources. The problem is that, as long as the British state guarantees that Northern Ireland will remain part of the United Kingdom, the protestant and unionist population have no incentives to question and change their position. Unionist and loyalist intransigence is proportional to the lack of resolve in confronting it. That leaves republicans pessimistic about winning over substantial sections of the protestant population …

8. In the meantime, there is a deepening crisis in protestant working class areas in the north. Apart from poverty and unemployment, protestant working class communities suffer the daily brunt of paramilitary oppression and gangsterism. Yet those in positions of power and influence show little interest in their plight. The unionist middle classes have turned their back on the protestant working class, preferring their golf courses in Bangor and Helen’s Bay. This trend, hastened by the flight of protestant middle class children to university in Scotland and England, is set to continue.

9. It has not been a priority of nationalist politicians to address the growing alienation of the protestant working class. In addition, the British government is trying to give recognition, influence, status and funding to the worst elements within loyalist paramilitarism. That approach has underpinned paramilitary power and helped create the current crisis within protestant working class communities.

10. Republican socialists can advance some proposals to manage the decline of traditional communities of the protestant working class, and enhance what is good and positive about those communities. Because it should be emphasised that the Irish Republican Socialist Party believes that there are things that are good and positive in protestant working class areas. The IRSP believes that the emancipation of the protestant working class should be the work of protestant workers themselves. However, the problem is that working class protestant communities are characterised by a weak political culture, and this has had a major effect on its ability to develop outward and progressive-looking policies capable of developing their positive potential. We believe that there are two spheres of protestant civil society in which elements could emerge that could provide this.

11. Within the working class, a rudimentary trade union solidarity still remains - residue from the large-scale protestant working class participation in the manufacturing industry prevalent in the building of industrial Belfast - linen, textiles, engineering and shipbuilding. Every working class district had, until recently, many men and women who were involved at shop steward or convenor level within their union, and those organisation skills learnt in the unions lent discipline to the protestant community.

12. In most predominantly protestant districts today, most of the ‘social cement’ is provided by, or within the sphere of influence of, churches. In many districts over the past 20 years, churches have acted as intermediaries for government training schemes. The influence of protestant clergy in the resolution of community problems has been noticeable. The Rev Norman Hamilton, for instance, was to the fore in helping protestant paramilitarism to reconsider the wisdom of their sectarian campaign at Holy Cross school in Ardoyne. Methodist minister, Rev Gary Mason, was paramount in influencing the recent removal of intimidating wall graffiti across east Belfast. And the Rev Roy Magee has had a long-term role in negotiating the loyalist ceasefire. At their best, the influences of church leaders and the labour movement were seen in the development of the Northern Ireland Labour Party. At its height, it had four Stormont MPs in the 1960s.

13. To prevent the worst effects caused by the decline of protestant working class communities, the IRSP demands the development of centrally planned state services aimed at the people in need in the protestant community and that these be channelled through universally available statutory services (eg, statutory youth centres, reading and writing schemes in neighbourhood libraries, etc), established national charitable bodies such as Citizens Advice Bureaux, Mencap, etc, or via the two main civilising bodies in protestant civil society, the churches (church-based influences, women’s groups, sporting associations, etc) and the trade union movement. The IRSP believes that as a general rule partnership with these should be encouraged over schemes or programmes within the paramilitary sphere of influence.

14. Republican socialists are not the only one to advocate such policies. These were first proposed by Rathcoole independent Labour councillor Mark Langhammer. He recognised that this was the priority:

15. “The step now required is to enable civil society within the protestant working class areas - notably those responsible for providing social and community services within the sphere of influence of churches - to be enabled to occupy a central position in the public lives of their communities.” This is necessary if protestant workers are to move forward in their own emancipation.

16. On their own side of the sectarian divide, republican socialists should develop measures and do everything in their own power to combat catholic/nationalist manifestations of sectarianism.

Print this page