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Weekly Worker 615 Thursday March 9 2006
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Money launderers, political corruption, minor celebrities and our antidotes
Significant
Our
March fund has got off to a good start despite a bit of a mix-up
at our box number, with some of our mail being held up. But one
item we did receive was from comrade AP, who sent us a cheque for
£25 “to bolster my standing order” (for £10).
Talking of standing orders, comrade LP has signed up for a new
regular donation - and very generous too: £25 a month. And the same
amount is forthcoming from comrade BL, while DI has stumped up a
handy £20. While our campaign for extra SOs has not exactly set
the world on fire, it has, slowly but surely, been creeping up and
has in fact yielded a significant increase that has now passed the
£250 mark for additional income (to both the Weekly Worker and
the CPGB).
We have also received two one-off donations via our website, from
comrades JM (£10) and IK (£1 - every little helps!). Mind you, £11
donated from a total of 14,160 online readers is not a huge proportion.
Anyway, we have £106 towards our monthly target of £600. We need
to match that and more over each of the next three weeks. Any offers?
Robbie Rix
Click
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Eddie Ford comments on the furore around Tessa Jowell and George
Galloway's reinvention as a radio host
As we go to press, magistrates in Milan are still deciding if they have
enough evidence to indict Silvio Berlusconi and David Mills - the hot-shot
corporate lawyer currently married to culture secretary Tessa Jowell.
But whether Berlusconi and Mills are formally charged with corruption
or not - and despite the fact Jowell has been cleared of breaching ministerial
code by Sir Gus O’Donnell, the cabinet secretary - the whole murky business
has lifted the veil on a world of big money, shady deals, corrupt shipping
magnates and mafia go-betweens.
Naturally, the exact details of this affair are complex, involving a
labyrinthian paper trail of questionable payments and backhanders. However,
when boiled down to the basics, the story is relatively clear. Mills is
an Oxford-educated barrister whose lucrative area of expertise is offshore
tax-avoidance schemes, and is director of Carnelutti Mackenzie Mills Corporate
Services - which handles the legal affairs of several offshore companies,
including those owned or controlled by Berlusconi. Accordingly, Mills
was soon up to his neck in Berlusconi’s financial-political wheeling-and-dealing
- some of which, of course, entailed doing business with the mafia. Inevitably,
Mills himself - knowingly or unknowingly - became drawn into the dark
world of the mob and political corruption, and all those seeking to ‘minimise’
the wealth they have to hand over to il Fisco (the taxman).
So, as has been finally revealed over the last few weeks, Mills arranged
for a certain Marcello Dell’Utri to be appointed to the board of Publitalia
International Limited (later renamed Publieurope), a London-registered
media advertising agency which Mills had set up in 1985. This agency was
part of the ‘mother’ company, Publitalia - one of the main pillars of
the Berlusconi empire - and Mills acted as company secretary of Publitalia
International up to 1997, while Dell’Utri remained as a director until
1995 (though Publieurope was wound up two weeks ago, its most recent 2004
accounts showed that it was making an annual profit of more than £2 million).
Dell’Utri, widely known as Berlusconi’s braccio destra (right
hand), was subsequently convicted in 2004 of concorso in associazione
mafiosa (aiding and abetting the mafia). Dell’Utri had links to the
mafia going back decades and in 1993 he met with the Cosa Nostra’s ‘governing
board’ - the Cupola - to successfully solicit its vote-gathering powers
on behalf of Berlusconi’s Forza Italia.
Mills has since admitted that he had made no checks on Dell’Utri’s background
- but claims he had no knowledge of his mafia connections. Rather, Mills
says, he agreed to Dell’Utri’s appointment at the “request” of one his
Italian clients - that client being none other than the company Fininvest,
of which Berlusconi is by far the largest shareholder. It is worth recalling
here that according to the Forbes magazine, Berlusconi in 2005
had personal assets worth $12 billion - making him the world’s 25th richest
person. Somebody worth being friendly with, you might say.
Subsequently, it has been alleged that either in 1999 or 2000 Mills received
£350,000 in ‘hush money’ - or a bribe - from Berlusconi, anxious for Mills
to keep mum about all these shenanigans. Mills initially signed a statement
in 2004 saying that he had indeed received the cash - but it was only
a ‘professional’ payment for turning “some very tricky corners” (or “favourable
evidence”) in his testimony to an Italian court. However, a few months
later, Mills withdrew that statement and said the money came instead from
a Neapolitan ship-owner, Diego Attanasio - now appealing against a sentence
for corruption, and who of course was one of Mills’s clients in his capacity
as director of CMM Corporate Services.
With his Italian windfall, Mills paid off the (fifth) mortgage that he
and Tessa Jowell had raised just weeks before on their second home in
north London. Jowell, of course, is implicated in her husband’s dodgy
business practices by virtue of the fact - if nothing else - that she
is a co-signatory to the mortgage documents. Somewhat unconvincingly,
Jowell claims that Mills dealt with all the family finances and she knew
nothing about the £350,000 ‘gift’ which miraculously wiped the mortgage
slate clean. We are meant to believe that she never asked about it, and
that it never became an object of discussion around the breakfast table.
An astonishing lack of curiosity, most would think. After all, we are
hardly talking about petty cash or something found down the back of a
sofa. Maybe she was just too busy to ask, we are meant to presume.
Of course, the whole thing stinks to high heaven - of big lies and corruption.
Perhaps more to the point, the Berlusconi-Mills-Jowell scandal provides
us with an insight into the sort of circles that New Labour grandees -
and their associates - move in. A world far removed from the one inhabited
by ordinary people, engaged in a constant struggle to meet the monthly
mortgage and pay essential bills. Or, to quote the only words Socialist
Worker has to say on the matter, “Few readers of this paper will be
pondering the pros and cons of taking out a fifth mortgage on their house.
Fewer still will have received a cheque for £350,000 and not bothered
to ascertain whether it was a gift from an Italian businessman or payment
for work done on his behalf. That is the world that Tessa Jowell lives
in. But it isn’t just her. She works, after all, for a prime minister
who finds it perfectly acceptable to holiday at the villa of Silvio Berlusconi”
(March 11).
Naturally, one can only but wholeheartedly agree with the above sentiments.
However, I am obliged to ask my SWP comrades the following question. If
they are so outraged by the “world” that the likes of Tessa Jowell and
Tony Blair live in - with its privileges and greasy networks - then how
come the comrades refuse any longer to uphold the basic socialist demand
- put into practive by the 1871 Paris Commune and Lenin’s Soviet Russia
- that all elected represenatives be fully accountable and take
only an average skilled worker’s wage.
Such measures would not prevent corruption, careerism and the temptations
that come with office. But they are powerful weapons in the battle to
exert control over MPs, MEPs, MSPs, councillors, trade union officials,
etc. And yet in order to promote the Respect popular front party the SWP
leadership finds itself completely betraying that principle and, not surprisingly,
furiously turning on the CPGB because we refuse to abandon our principles.
SWP policy and practice in Respect is not dictated by the cut and thrust
of debate and majority votes. In Respect it has a commanding majority.
No, SWP policy and practice is dictated by the craven desire to keep the
right wing on board: in this case not the ‘muslim’ activists; rather middle
class celebrities such as Yvonne Ridley and George Galloway.
Yvonne Ridley once served as a high-profile reporter for the Daily
Express and was famously captured and held for 10 days by the Taliban
in Afghanistan in September 2001. She became a muslim convert in August
2003. Nowadays she does not drink alcohol, prays five times a day and
visits a mosque every Friday. Ridley lauds muslim ‘sisterhood’ over western
feminism and in general places islam over rival concepts, whether they
be nationality or class. She was a senior editor in Al-Jazeera’s newly
launched English website and lived in Doha, Qatar. Sacked in November
2003 by her boss, Abdulaziz Ibrahim Al-Mahmoud, whom she had bitterly
criticised for shopping at Marks and Spencer during a trip to London,
she successfully sued for unfair dismissal. Now she is political editor
of the Islam Channel and presents Agenda, its current affairs show.
Against such a background it is hardly surprising that Ridley finds even
the suggestion of living on an average skilled worker’s wage “silly”.
Nor could she survive even on a Westminster MP’s “meagre” wage of £57,485
- in fact, she reckoned she needed more - much more: “Give me three or
four times as much” (Weekly
Worker July
1 2004). As for her daughter, Daisy, she goes to an exclusive boarding
school - St Annes, in the Lake District. Fees are up to £16,380 per annum.
Ironically, Respect’s policy on education - perhaps another “shibboleth”
to be formally junked - demands a “system that is not dependent on the
ability to pay, that is comprehensive and gives an equal chance in life
to every child, no matter how wealthy or poor their parents, from nursery
to university” (Founding declaration).
Of course, George Galloway has exhibited exactly the same desire to avoid
accountability - especially when it comes to finance. He publicly stated
that he needs a “minimum” of £150,000, if he is “to function properly
as a leading figure in a part of the British political system”.
We also saw him unilaterally waltz into the Celebrity big brother
house - without even bothering to consult Respect. Obviously, for Galloway,
this excursion was essentially undertaken with a view to embarking on
a well remunerated media career. In other words, Celebrity big brother
- like the Respect project itself - was just another vehicle for his own
personal ambition.
And now Galloway has actually become a ‘radio personality’, hosting his
own phone-in on Talk Sport every Saturday and Sunday evening. I suppose
he cleared that with the Respect leadership, didn’t he?
Communist history, and our theory, teaches us that those who get elected
to represent us - whether in parliament, local government or whatever
- always tend to be pulled to the right. They can all too easily
get dazzled, and flattered, by the new, hifalutin circles they find themselves
in. Corruption, personal or political, frequently follows. We have witnessed
this repeatedly.
Hence, in December 1889 Engels noted in a letter to Friedrich Sorge:
“The most repulsive thing here [in England] is the bourgeois ‘respectability’,
which has grown deep into the bones of the workers ... Even Tom Mann,
whom I regard as the best of the lot, is fond of mentioning that he will
be lunching with the lord mayor” (quoted in VI Lenin’s Imperialism
and the split in socialism - see www.marxmail.org/quotes/vladimir_lenin.htm).
This is why communists call for ‘organised mistrust’ of our MPs,
councillors and officials - journalists and media celebrities, even -
and stand by the principles of transparency, accountability and recallability.
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