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Weekly Worker 619 Thursday April 6 2006
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Despite
the fact that the 16,376 visitors to our website last week left
our PayPal facility untroubled, I’m pleased to say that the April
fund drive has got of to a fairly perky start.
With collections at Party meetings, plus postal contributions,
over £100 has come in already for this month’s target. So the good
momentum from last month has been maintained and carried over into
the beginning of this one. Included in that total is a £15 donation
from longstanding contributor SW, plus some smaller amounts from
other regulars. All much appreciated, comrades, as are the new standing
orders from LW (£30 per month) and comrade JS (a magnificent doubling
of his contribution to a monthly £120!).
In the March 2 issue of the paper, comrade Mark Fischer reported
that while our campaign to raise an extra £1,000 monthly in standing
orders had fallen well short, the £200 extra we had achieved was
“not a disaster by any means”. Nevertheless, the comrade rightly
observed it was “well short of what we should/could have achieved”
and promised that the campaign would continue.
I’m pleased to report that we now have £450 extra being raised
every month via new standing orders. A much healthier total - with
plenty more to come, I’m sure.
But no resting on laurels, comrades. Let us maintain the momentum
and reach this month’s target in record time!
Robbie Rix
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Liam O Ruairc reviews Denis O Hearn's book Bobby Sands: Nothing but
an unfinished song, Pluto Press, 2006, £12.99, pp448
A new biography of Bobby Sands, leader of the 1981 hunger strikes and
unquestionably the single most powerful symbol of the republican movement’s
resistance campaign, has been published on the 25th anniversary of the
hunger strikes.
Denis O Hearn, the author of the book, is an academic but also a political
activist (he was once severely beaten up by the Official IRA). A prolific
hunger strikes ‘industry’ has developed over the last few years, with
a whole series of events, lectures, rallies, plays, publications, films
and merchandises.
His book is part of that growing ‘industry’. This is an attempt to appropriate
and control the legacy of the hunger strikers to legitimise present policies
and cash in on them electorally. O Hearn’s book is leadership-endorsed
and has been promoted by a number of publications close to the Provisional
movement. (The book is published in conjunction with the Provisional
Left Republican Review).
The most startling aspect of the book’s initial promotion “is the blatantly
false claim” by the author that he had secured the cooperation and assistance
of the hunger striker’s sister in writing the book. Marcella Sands, whose
name Bobby Sands used as a nom-de-plume for some of his prison
writings, is acknowledged by the author for contributing and helping with
the book.
However, Marcella Sands sent a letter to Forum Magazine and a
number of national newspapers in order to deny this and to put the record
straight: “According to the article, the author of the book, Denis O Hearn,
‘thanks the hunger striker’s sister Marcella for her help with the book.’
This suggests that I had ‘helped’ or participated in some way in the compilation
of this book and, therefore, endorsed it. This is misleading and untrue.
I wish to state categorically that neither I, nor any of my family, helped
Mr O Hearn with his book in any way, nor does my family endorse the book.
Indeed, the opposite would be the case as his book contains numerous factual
inaccuracies”.
As the Forum article concludes, “Ms Sands’ negative verdict has
dealt the book’s credibility a serious blow” (John Hanley, ‘Sands book
controversy’, Forum Magazine, February/March 2006).
For many years, the Sands family has been in a dispute with the Sinn
Féin dominated Bobby Sands Trust over its use of his writings and image
to promote Provisional politics. They have even been considering legal
action.
His family claim that “the ideals for which Bobby died and on which the
trust was founded have been abandoned.” “We simply want his property (prison
writings) returned and for (Sinn Féin) to cease using him as a commodity”,
said a family spokesperson. (See Joe Oliver, ‘Sands family in row over
trust’, Irish Examiner June 30 2000; Ed Moloney, ‘Sands’ family
considering legal action against the Bobby Sands Trust’, Sunday Tribune,
July 2 2000 and Henry McDonald, ‘Republicans feud over hunger striker’s
legacy’, The Observer March 18 2001).
It is thus not surprising that they are unhappy with O Hearn’s biography.
But if the book contains “numerous factual inaccuracies” as Marcella
Sands alleges, these are not immediately evident.
In fact, there is much valuable research in this book. The bulk of it
deals with Sands’ prison years and the author has conducted many original
interviews with those who were in jail with Bobby Sands as well as prison
officers, priests and so on. O Hearn is quite good on the international
impact of Sands’ hunger strike - how it influenced South Africans or the
Zapatistas, for example. The book provides an interesting read and has
little in it that is controversial.
However, “what is lacking here is the sort of serious assessment of Sands’
sacrifice that decades of hindsight should bring.”(Ed Moloney, ‘The IRA’s
Empty Victory’, Washington Post, February 28 2006). In particular,
the author does not emphasise enough the deep divisions over his legacy.
At the end of the book, O Hearn quotes Bernadette Sands’ claim that “Bobby
did not die for cross-border bodies with executive powers. He did not
die for nationalists to be equal British citizens within the Northern
state” (Magill, January 1998).
To which the author replies that if one cannot know what Sands would
think were he alive today, the majority of his comrades nevertheless support
the Belfast agreement. But the conditions secured by the hunger strikers
25 years ago and for which Sands died were signed away with the 1998 agreement.
Republican prisoners are once again labelled criminals by the British
government and are forced to fight for their status.
The 1981 hunger strike is now the subject of a serious historical revision.
Last year, Richard O Rawe, who was the number two IRA leader and Public
Relations Officer in the jail during the 1981 hunger strikes, published
a controversial book called Blanketmen (Richard O Rawe, Blanketmen:
an untold story of the H-Block hunger strike, New Island Books, 2005).
According to O Rawe, at a key point after the death of four prisoners,
the British government made a secret offer to end the hunger strike, which
would have given the prisoners 80% of their demands. The prison leadership,
including himself, accepted it.
A message was sent out to Gerry Adams that the prisoners wanted to accept
this deal. O Rawe believes Adams overruled them because if the hunger
strike continued and more people died, then this would provide a platform
from which Gerry Adams would be able to launch an electoral strategy and
to bring Sinn Fein into electoral politics.
As Ed Moloney points out: “Now, if Richard is right, it means essentially
that Mrs. Thatcher killed 4 hunger strikers but Gerry Adams killed six,
and he killed six of his own colleagues, or he allowed six of his own
colleagues to die in order to advance his political ambitions” (http://www.democracynow.org/article.pl?sid=05/07/29/1420248).
O Rawe’s revelations have been highly controversial, but O Hearn’s book
ignores them and sticks to the conventional ‘official’ version of the
events. (In his article ‘The limits of memory’ (Village March 12-18
2005), O Hearn blamed O Rawe’s account on “flawed memory”).
O Hearn is right to describe Bobby Sands as an Irish Che Guevara. Aside
from political parallels, Sands, like Che, has become a commodified icon.
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